Make that the last Long Island Rail Road strike

After more than three days without the Long Island Rail Road, commuters, elected officials and even the workers should be able to agree on one thing: That should be the last LIRR strike.

That’s the crucial takeaway from the short-lived yet still painful work stoppage, which disrupted the lives of hundreds of thousands of Long Islanders, created economic uncertainty for small businesses dependent on transit hubs, and forced people to miss work or find expensive commuting alternatives.

The strike underscored just how much of a lifeline the LIRR, the nation’s largest commuter rail, is for this region. The turmoil was caused by an unfortunate choice by five of the LIRR’s unions. That deliberate upheaval is particularly stunning as it occurred amid a week of glaring infrastructure failures — from the fire in the train tunnel near Penn Station that disrupted service in the days before the strike to the sinkholes on roads and runways, to concrete debris falling on cars approaching the George Washington Bridge and a dislodged manhole cover in Manhattan that led to a woman’s death.

A BYZANTINE MAZE

The stoppage also illustrated one of the railroad’s most significant vulnerabilities. This modern public transportation system is stuck in an obsolete, byzantine maze of procedures, equipment and governing law that make it susceptible to old-style union demands, antiquated work rules and, most problematically, the ability to strike.

The strike — by five unions that together represent fewer than half of LIRR employees — quickly devolved into power plays and political gamesmanship. Sophisticated problem solving and planning for a more automated future it was not.

Lost in the hubbub were the other LIRR unions, which previously agreed to more reasonable terms that importantly fit the Metropolitan Transportation Authority’s contract “pattern.” Without crossing picket lines, those employees continued to work and maintain the system during the strike.

In the end, the MTA and the unions representing locomotive engineers, electricians, clerks, signal workers and machinists reached a deal, which still requires ratification by the members, that easily could have been achieved without halting service. A bit of creativity, a dose of humility and a willingness to put commuters first could have led the unions to say “yes” to the same type of offer on May 15 as the one they agreed to on May 18. They were holding out for more but Gov. Kathy Hochul was willing to take on the consequences of a strike and refused to give more.

This strike should serve as a warning — and a lesson — for everyone involved. MTA officials should push to ramp up negotiations faster, putting them on an improved timetable so workers don’t end up negotiating a contract in which three years of it are retroactive. Even as the LIRR union talks were ongoing, the MTA was separately meeting with the Transport Workers Union, which represents New York City Transit workers, about its next contract. TWU officials were following every move of the LIRR conversation, hoping for generous terms they could then match. Establishing a reasonable pattern, sticking to it, and working as far in advance as possible are keys to keeping the trains moving.

HOLD EXECS ACCOUNTABLE

Work rules cannot be so easily swept off the table next time. When these unions return for new negotiations in a year, getting rid of nonsensical rules and provisions that bloat pay and balloon the MTA’s budget must be a top priority. The MTA Board should hold accountable agency executives who cannot reduce costs. Perhaps an overtime and work-rules czar who reports monthly on reduction efforts is needed to keep everyone focused.

Still, that won’t be enough to keep costs under control or prevent future stoppages. The key to making the 2026 strike the last of its kind lies in a necessary change to how the LIRR is governed. Currently, it falls under the federal Railway Labor Act, which permits strikes and does not require binding arbitration. This strike illustrated exactly why that framework is unsustainable for a commuter railway the size and scope of the LIRR. Whether the state sues to remove the LIRR from federal jurisdiction, or Congress initiates the action, a change is required. LIRR employees should have the same rights and responsibilities as their subway and bus colleagues — including following the state’s Taylor Law, which prohibits strikes. Our congressional representatives all saw the damage this strike did; they can take the lead in making that change a reality. It’s a question to ask them during their current reelection campaigns.

Moving forward, the MTA must keep fares stable, reduce expenses, and work toward crafting union agreements that produce rational wages and rules. The railroad, a defining element of life on Long Island, must keep running.